Socialism

This isn’t any article in particular, but rather a fantastic resource for anyone who wants to research leftist theory, or improve their praxis.

There are no memecoins in Busytown. There is no gig economy. There are no junk fees, phishing scams, fine print, higher than normal call volume, deepfakes of Bill Gates hawking fake Alzheimer’s cures, sponsored search results, phony reviews, dynamic pricing. There are no collateralized debt obligations, credit default swaps. The people of Busytown are not followed by an all-seeing Palantir eye that compiles a data profile on them. Private equity has not bought their apartment buildings. There is no slopaganda in Busytown. In Busytown, life is straightforward and things are what they seem to be.

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Hello folks,

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On the morning of May 4, 2026, as the assembly election results came in from the state of Kerala, India, the Congress-led United Democratic Front had secured a landslide, ending a decade of Left Democratic Front (LDF) rule, headed by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)). The LDF, which had held 99 seats after the 2021 election, was reduced to just 35. A large share of the cabinet, including several senior ministers, lost their seats. With the fall of Kerala, India is left without a communist-led state government for the first time since 1977, after five decades.

A true people’s Project 2029 must be decisive. It will take more than repealing MAGA’s executive orders and returning to business-as-usual neoliberalism if we want to extinguish fascism as it exists in the United States today. American politics doesn’t need yet another technocratic fix— we need to bring down the hammer of the popular will. We must create a forwardly socialist alternative to the liberal conception of Project 2029, one that can defeat fascism at the ballot box, contest its hegemony over American political institutions, and restructure our domestic governance structures to be more fundamentally transparent and democratic.

Members of the Left, nominally acting in good faith and who are concerned about the perception of our platform and organization as “too radical” ultimately miss the point of being a member of a socialist organization, and in effect waste our time debating our already democratically-accepted platform in order to placate bad faith concerns from outside our organization.

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This will go down as the year that the Democratic Socialists of America introduced themselves to national politics in earnest. Following a string of victories by DSA-aligned candidates in Congressional races from New York to Colorado, the Democratic establishment finds itself scrambling to adjust to a new reality. Next week, Oliver Larkin will become the first DSA candidate to try to unseat an incumbent Democratic Congressman in the state of Florida.

The Union of Southern Service Workers (USSW) is an organization of workers in the low-wage, high-turnover service industry of the U.S. South, with members in North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama, and Georgia. From the beginning, the union has placed political education at the center of its strategic vision. USSW understands that to transform workplaces and communities, workers must understand the roots of the system that exploits them and develop the skills necessary to fight back. As with any union or community organization, USSW runs campaigns to win concrete, material victories. But the real fruit of the union’s organizing work lies in the constant political formation within an expanding base of dedicated worker militants. Unlike the traditional union model, USSW treats political education not as ancillary training, but as a core component of its method; it is a dimension of the union’s approach that makes victories durable and transforms workers into long-term leaders.

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[…]because social work embodies an ethic of care, dignity, and human need, it is often recruited into reformist systems. When the government finally recognizes the damage of its own failed policies, it frequently turns to social workers—and the profession’s language of compassion—to mitigate harm and make its systems look more humane. Social work becomes carceral not only when it operates inside punitive institutions, but when it becomes accountable on their terms. When the work is organized around assessing risk for courts, monitoring families for agencies, proving compliance, or translating hardship into categories institutions can sort and act on, care becomes inseparable from control. The profession’s ethical language remains, but its function shifts. It begins to stabilize people on behalf of the state rather than standing with them against the harm the state is producing.

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Surely a society of all narcissistic tech bros whose only talent is talking people into giving them money would be ideal, right guys? Right?

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